Amintore Fanfani

 ( 1908 Births ) 

In the 1946 Italian general election, Fanfani was elected to the Constituent Assembly for the constituency of Siena–Arezzo–Grosseto, which would remain his political stronghold for all his career. As a constituent, he was appointed in the commission that drafted the text of the new republican Italian Constitution. The first article of the new constitution reflected Fanfani's philosophy. He proposed an article, which read "Italy is a democratic republic founded on labor". «Fondata sul lavoro»: l'articolo 1 e il compromesso alla base della Costituzione italiana, Corriere della Sera In the 1948 Italian general election, he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies, with more than 35,000 votes. Elezioni del 1948, Collegio di Siena–Arezzo–Grosseto, Ministero dell'Interno

Under De Gasperi, Fanfani took on a succession of ministries. From June 1947 until January 1950, he served as Minister of Labour; Governo De Gasperi V, governo.it while from July 1951 to July 1953, he was Minister of Agriculture, VII Governo De Gasperi, camera.it and from July 1953 to January 1954 he served as Minister of the Interior in the caretaker government of Giuseppe Pella. Governo Pella, governo.it As Minister of Labour, he developed the so-called "Fanfani house" program for government-built workers' homes and put 200,000 of Italy's unemployed to work on a reforestation program. As Minister of Agriculture, he set in motion much of the Christian Democrats' land reform program. According to a news report in Time magazine, "He can keep going for 36 hours on catnaps, apples and a few sips of water", and when someone proposed Fanfani for another ministry, De Gasperi refused, stating: "If I keep on appointing Fanfani to various ministries, I am sure that one of these days I will open the door to my study and find Fanfani sitting at my desk."

The cabinet lasted 23 days when it failed to win approval in the Parliament, being rejected by the Chamber of Deputies with 260 votes in favor, 303 votes against and 12 abstentions out of 563 present. On 10 February 1954, Mario Scelba sworn in as new prime minister. Il nuovo ministero Scelba ha prestato giuramento al Quirinale, in "La Nuova Stampa", 11 February 1954, page 1 Fanfani's first government was the shortest-lived cabinet in the history of the Italian Republic. Since De Gasperi's retirement in 1953 Fanfani emerged as the most probable successor, a role confirmed by his appointment as party secretary in June 1954, a position that he would held until March 1959. "Young Initiative", Time, 12 July 1954.

Fanani's activist and sometimes authoritarian style, Fanfani, una leadership spuntata, Il Sole 24 Ore as well as his reputation as an economic reformer, ensured that the moderate and the right-wingers within the DC, who opposed the state's intrusion into the country's economic life, regarded him with distrust. His indefatigable energy and his passion for efficiency carried him far in politics, but he was rarely able to exploit fully the opportunities that he created. As an anonymous Christian Democrat bigwig once remarked: "Fanfani has colleagues, associates, acquaintances and subordinates, but I have never heard much about his friends."

In May 1955, Einaudi's term as president of the Italian Republic came to an end, and Parliament had to choose his successor. Fanfani was promoting for the office the liberal Cesare Merzagora, who was then president of the Senate; however, the right-wing of the party, led by Pella and Andreotti, organized an internal coup to get Giovanni Gronchi elected instead. The move received the surprising support of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and Italian Socialist Party (PSI), as well as the Monarchist National Party (PNM) and the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI). After a bitter battle and the final crumbling of the centrist front, Gronchi was elected president of the Italian Republic on 29 April 1955, with 658 votes out of 883. "Danger on the Left", Time, 9 May 1955.

During his secretariat, Fanfani built good relations both with US President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, culminated to a state visit to Washington, D.C., in August 1956. Gli Stati Uniti e Fanfani, Università di Roma The brutal suppression of 1956 Hungarian Revolution saw him coordinating a strong anti-communist propaganda in the country. Amintore Fanfani e la crisi del comunismo

The DC resulted even more polarized between Fanfani's leftist faction and the opposite one, which urged for a more right-wing policy; Fanfani relaunched his reformist agenda, advocating for a dialogue with the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), which had stopped its ties with the PCI after the Hungarian Revolution. Ungheria, la rottura tra PCI e PSI A government between DC and PSI was probably too premature due to the strong opposition of DC's right-wing. On 2 July 1958, Fanfani was sworn in as new prime minister at the head of a coalition government with the more moderate Italian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI), and a case-by-case support of the Italian Republican Party (PRI). Governo Fanfani II, senato.it

Fanfani then decided not to resign immediately as secretary of the DC, wanting to bring the party behind him, at least until a new congress. He started an active foreign policy, along the lines of the "neo-Atlantism", implementing a more autonomous foreign policy from the United States, presenting Italy as the main regional power of the Mediterranean Basin, trying to avoid the increase of Soviet Union's sphere of influence over the Arab countries. Amintore Fanfani e la politica estera italiana He failed to leave a mark in domestic politics despite his ambitious proposal of a 10-year plan for the development of public school, which was approved by the Italian Parliament but not implemented. His economic policy was characterized by an increasing public spending. Il Fanfani II: un governo breve, ma intenso!

The unprecedented concentration of power that he had achieved was also the main reason of his second government's decline. The outraged conservative opposition resulted in a progressive breakdown of the internal majority faction, "Democratic Initiative". 1958 – 1963, II governo Fanfani In January 1959, a conspicuous group of members of the DC started voting against their own government, forcing Fanfani to resign on 26 January 1959 after six months in power. "Italy's Fanfan", Time, 16 June 1961. On 16 February 1959, Antonio Segni sworn in as new prime minister. Governo Segni I, senato.it In March 1959, Fanfani resigned as party's secretary, and Aldo Moro became the new leader. After few weeks, he founded a new faction, known as Nuove Cronache ("New Chronicles"). Si sfalda la corrente fanfaniana

In the party's congress in October 1959, Moro was narrowly confirmed secretary after a thought battle with Fanfani, who was defeated thanks to the decisive vote of the right-wing faction of Scelba and Andreotti. VII Congresso – Firenze, Teatro La Pergola When the Italian Liberal Party (PLI) withdrew its support to Segni's government, Fanfani cooperated with Moro, attempting to establish a new centre-left government, with a case-by-case socialist support. This pact was strongly opposed by ecclesiastical hierarchies as well as the opposition of the DC's right-wing. After Fanfani's failure, Fernando Tambroni was appointed new prime minister. Il governo Tambroni, raiscuola.it Tambroni, a right-wing conservative, received a decisive vote of confidence by the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI). The MSI had been banned by any type of political power since its birth under the theory of the "Constitutional Arch", which stated that any government or party which had voted the Italian Constitution, had to refuse any relationship with neo-fascist and monarchist forces, seen as anti-constitutional groups. Strikes and revolts causing some casualties erupted through the country, and Tambroni had to resign within few months. On 26 July 1960, Fanfani returned to the premiership, this time with an openly centre-left programme supported by the PSI abstention. III Legislatura: 12 giugno 1958 – 15 maggio 1963

In his three years rule, thanks to the key support of the PSI, Fanfani approved the nationalization of Enel, the national electric company and the establishment of middle school, the introduction of share taxation. Only the implementation of the ordinary statute Italian regions and the urban reform remained uncompleted due to a strong internal opposition within the DC. Moreover, the new international balance of power marked by the presidency of John F. Kennedy, influenced Western politics in favor of reformism, as the best alternative to defeat Soviet Communism. During his premiership, Fanfani built up a good relation with President Kennedy. The two leaders met the first time during 1956 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Il feeling di JFK con Fanfani. 'Gli piaceva, ma non in modo incredibile' and in 1963 was invited at the White House. Fanfani a colloquio con Kennedy alla Casa Bianca Some analysts reported that Kennedy considered Fanfani an example of Catholic reformism. Fanfani a ruota libera: "Kennedy e Roosevelt li ho ispirati io According to Ettore Bernabei, during the Cuban Missile Crisis it was Fanfani who proposed the withdrawal of medium-range US missiles from Apulia, which than resulted in a peaceful ending of the crisis.Giovagnoli – Tosi, 2010, pages 477–480

Despite a good approval in public opinion, his reformist policy produced a significant mistrust of the Italian industrial class and the right-wing of the DC; multinational potentates opposed the opening to the Arab countries led by Fanfani's ally Enrico Mattei, founder of Eni. In the 1963 Italian general election, the DC lost almost one million votes, gaining nearly 38%, while the PCI arrived second with 25%. Elezioni del 1963, Ministero dell'Interno The PLI surged to 7%, the party's best result, receiving many votes from former DC supporters who were against Fanfani's centre-left policies. With the decline of electoral support, on 22 June 1963 the majority of DC members decided to replace Fanfani with a provisional government led by the Chamber of Deputies impartial president Giovanni Leone; I Governo Leone, camera.it however, when the party congress of the PSI in autumn authorized a full engagement of the party into the government, Leone resigned and Moro, secretary of the DC and leader of the more leftist wing of the party, became the new prime minister and ruled Italy for more than four years. I Governo Moro, governo.it

Fanfani's reckless action against Leone caused him even more enmities. In March 1965, Fanfani was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs during the second Moro government. Governo Moro II, governo.it In December 1965, he was forced to resign after the publication of an unauthorized interview, in which he harshly criticized the government and the United States. Guarda chi c'è in casa del ministro, la Repubblica After two months, he returned to the office in the third Moro government. Governo Moro III, governo.itFausto De Luca, Giuramento a Segni dei ventisei ministri, in "Stampa Sera", 23 July 1964, page 1 During his ministry, he implemented a strong pro-European politics, advocating a strengthen of the European Economic Community (EEC). Moreover, he was a vocal opponent of US bombing on civilians during the Vietnam War. Fanfani also continued implementing his pro-Arab policies in the Mediterranean Sea, and tried to build a closer relation with the People's Republic of China. La politica araba dell'Italia democristiana From 1965 to 1966, he also served as president of the United Nations General Assembly, becoming the only Italian to have held this office. Fanfani: dalla Costituente all'ONU, una vita per la politica Il politico che divorava il potere, la Repubblica

In the 1968 Italian general election, Fanfani ran for the Senate of the Republic, being elected in the constituency of Arezzo with 41,070 votes. Elezioni del 1968 – Collegio di Arezzo, Ministero dell'Interno On 5 June 1968, he was elected president of the Senate and remained in office until 26 June 1973. I Presidenti del Senato dal 1948, senato.it On 26 September 1968, Fanfani lost his wife, Biancarosa, who died of cerebral venous thrombosis at 54-year-old. Una crisi improvvida nella vita di Fanfani, Corriere della Sera In March 1970, after the fall of Mariano Rumor's second government, President Saragat gave Fanfani the task of forming a new centre-left government, but his proposal to bring in the cabinet all the parties' secretaries was not accepted because it was seen as an excessive way to strengthen the government in contrast to the particracy that dominated Italian politics. On 27 March 1970, Rumor was sworn in as prime minister again. Composizione del Governo Rumor III, senato.it

In the 1971 Italian presidential election, Fanfani was proposed as the DC candidate for president of the Italian Republic. Once again the move failed, being weakened by the divisions within his own party and the PSI candidacy of Francesco De Martino, who received votes from the PCI, PSI, and some PSDI members. Corsa al Quirinale: l'elezione di Giovanni Leone, Panorama Fanfani retired after several unsuccessful ballots; at the twenty-third round, Leone, who was Fanfani's rival in the 1964 election, was elected with the necessary majority. L'elezione del Presidente Leone, quirinale.it On 10 March 1972, Leone appointed Fanfani senator for life. Scheda di attività di Amintore Fanfani – V Legislatura, senato.it

The DC and the neo-fascist MSI intensely campaigned for a "yes" vote to abolish the law and make divorce illegal again. Their main themes were the safeguarding of the traditional nuclear family model and the Roman Catechism, Divorzio, 40 anni fa la "retorica" di Fanfani per fare abrogare la legge Il "no" che cambiò l'Italia: la storia del referendum sul divorzio, Corriere della Sera while most left-wing political forces, including PCI and PSI, supported the "no" faction. Fanfani thought that a "no" victory could have given him the control of in his own party again; in fact, other key figures like Moro, Rumor, Emilio Colombo, and Francesco Cossiga, who believed in the defeat at the referendum, kept a low profile during the campaign. Amintore Fanfani, Il Post

Despite Fanfani's activism, the "no" front was defeated by margin of 59.3% to 40.7% on a voter turnout of 87.7%, thus allowing the divorce laws to remain in force.Dieter Nohlen & Philip Stöver (2010) Elections in Europe: A data handbook, p1048 The soundly defeat in the divorce referendum forced his resignation as party secretary in July 1975. The new secretary of the party was Benigno Zaccagnini, a who was initially supported by Fanfani. After his ideas of starting a cooperation with the PCI, Fanfani, Andreotti, and Flaminio Piccoli tried to force Zaccagnini to resignation but failed. Benigno Zaccagnini nel futuro della politica, Romano Prodi

On 3 August 1975, Fanfani married his second wife, Mariapia Vecchi (née Tavazzani), a widow and strong-willed woman engaged in multiple voluntary activities, nationally and internationally. E' morta a 97 anni Maria Pia Fanfani, la Repubblica On 5 July 1976, Fanfani was elected president of the Senate for a second term, a position that he held until 1 December 1982. Elezione del Presidente del Senato della Repubblica del 1976, senato.it In that new political phase he had to significantly reduce his ambitions of holding an active political role, acting like sober and low-profile statesman. On 30 July 1976, Moro reached an agreement with the PCI leader Enrico Berlinguer to start a government composed only by the DC but with the abstention of the PCI. 1976: nasce il governo di solidarietà nazionale The cabinet, who was led by Andreotti, was nicknamed "government of the non-no-confidence". Il governo della "non sfiducia", nel 1976, Il Post

The 1983 Italian general election resulted in a big loss for DC and its new secretary, Ciriaco De Mita. The DC lost more than five percentage points from the previous election, while the PSI gained ground. Elezioni del 1983, Ministero dell'Interno On 4 August 1983, the PSI leader Bettino Craxi succeeded Fanfani at the head of the government. Craxi, storia di un riformista, Il Tempo De Mita accused Fanfani for the electoral defeat and did not candidate him as president of the Senate, preferring Francesco Cossiga. La biografia del Presidente Cossiga, quirinal.it Francesco Cossiga – Dizionario biografico Treccani After this fact, it was even clearer how Fanfani had by then lost much of his political power and control over the party. La caduta di Fanfani, la Repubblica In the 1985 Italian presidential election, Cossiga was elected as president with 752 votes out of 977. L'elezione del Presidente Cossiga, quirinale.it His candidacy was endorsed by the DC but supported also by the PCI, PSI, PSDI, PLI, and PRI. This was the first time an Italian presidential candidate had won the election on the first ballot where a two-thirds majority is necessary. Quirinale: 1985, ecco il "sardomuto" Cossiga, il picconatore On 9 July 1985, Fanfani was re-elected president of the Senate for a third term. Biografia di un "cavallo di razza", la Repubblica

In April 1987, De Mita decided to drop his support for the second Craxi's government. Craxi e De Mita, quando la staffetta era guerra This caused the immediate fall of the cabinet and the formation of a new government led again by Fanfani. Even though he was a close friend of Craxi, the PSI leader did not participate in the swearing in ceremony, sending Giuliano Amato, the then undersecretary of the Council of Ministers to protest against De Mita's decision. Quando Bettino disertò il passaggio di consegne mandandoci Amato, Il Tempo The sixth Fanfani government, composed only of DC ministers with some independent ministers, did not gain the confidence in the Chamber of Deputies following a surreal vote when it gained the confidence from the PSI, PSDI and Radical Party (PR) that were excluded from the government, while the DC abstained. Il senso del "governo neutrale" in un sistema istituzionale bloccato, Il Foglio Fanfani presented his resignation after 11 days as head of government, causing the early dissolution of the houses of Parliament. I Governi privi della fiducia iniziale He would remain in office until 29 July 1987. After the 1987 Italian general election, a new government was formed with Giovanni Goria at its head. Composizione del Governo Goria, senato.it